Thursday, November 3, 2011

Racism & Fascism (Excerpt from a speech by Toni Morrison)



Excerpt of a speech Toni Morrison delivered at Howard University

Racism and Fascism (“The Nation,” May 29 1995, p. 60)


Let us be reminded that before there is a final solution, there must be a first solution, a second one, even a third. The move toward a final solution is not a jump. It takes one step, then another, then another. Something, perhaps like this:

1. Construct an internal enemy, as both focus and diversion.
2. Isolate and demonize that enemy by unleashing and protecting the utterance of overt and coded name-calling and verbal abuse. Employ ad hominem attacks as legitimate charges against that enemy.
3. Enlist and create sources and distributors of information who are willing to reinforce the demonizing process because it is profitable, because it grants power and because it works.
4. Palisade all art forms; monitor, discredit or expel those that challenge or destabilize processes of demonization and deification.
5. Subvert and malign all representatives of and sympathizers with the constructed enemy.
6. Solicit, from among the enemy, collaborators who agree with and can sanitize the dispossession process.
7. Pathologize the enemy in scholarly and popular mediums; recycle, for example, scientific racism and myths of racial superiority in order to naturalize the pathology.
8. Criminalize the enemy. Then prepare, budget for and rationalize the building of holding arenas for the enemy—especially its males and absolutely its children.
9. Reward mindlessness and apathy with monumentalized entertainments and with little pleasures, tiny seductions: a few minutes on television, a few lines in the press; a little pseudo-success; the illusion of power and influence; a little fun, a little style, a little consequence.
10. Maintain, at all costs, silence.

In 1995 racism may wear a new dress, buy a new pair of boots, but neither it nor its succubus twin fascism is new or can make anything new. It can only reproduce the environment that supports its own health: fear, denial and an atmosphere in which its victims have lost the will to fight.

The forces interested in fascist solutions to national problems are not to be found in one political party or another, or in one or another wing of any single political party. Democrats have no unsullied history of egalitarianism. Nor are liberals free of domination agendas. Republicans have housed abolitionists and white supremacists. Conservative, moderate, liberal; right, left, hard left, far rights; religious, secular, socialist—we must not be blindsided by these Pepsi-Cola, Coca-Cola labels because the genius of fascism is that any political structure can host the virus and virtually any developed country can become a suitable home. Fascism talks ideology, but it is really just marketing—marketing for power.

It is recognizable by its need to purge and by its terror of truly democratic agendas. It is recognizable by its determination to convert all public services to private entrepreneurship; all nonprofit organizations to profit-making ones—so that the narrow but protective chasm between governance and business disappears. It changes citizens into taxpayers—so individuals become angry at even the notion of the public good. It changes neighbors into consumers—so the measure of our value as humans is not our humanity or our compassion or out generosity but what we own. It changes parenting into panicking—so that we vote against the interests of our own children; against their health care, their education, their safety from weapons. And in effecting these changes it produces the perfect capitalist, one who is willing to kill a human being for a product—a pair of sneakers, a jacket, a car—or kill generations for control of products—oil, drugs, fruit, gold.

When our fears have all been serialized, our creativity censured, our ideas “marketplaced,” our rights sold, our intelligence sloganized, our strength downsized, our privacy auctioned; when the theatricality, the entertainment value, the marketing of life is complete, we will find ourselves living not in a nation but in a consortium of industries, and wholly unintelligible to ourselves except for what we see as through a screen darkly.

Sunday, June 5, 2011


FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
Truth Universal Music
Phone: 504.481.5959
Press Contact: Akoben Ologun
June 02, 2011
“Immigrant” Video::Truth Universal featuring Bocafloja–Hip Hop addressing U.S. Immigration Policy
As immigrants across the U.S. continue to have their human rights compromised, with HB 411(LA), SB 1070(AZ), HB 87(GA), and other copycat legislation, Hip Hop artist Truth Universal responds with “Immigrant” – the lead single from his latest project “Resistance Vol. 2: Polygraph.”  Himself a Trinidad born immigrant, raised in New Orleans, LA, Truth strives to address the plight of the U.S. immigrant, cite the commonality of immigrant struggle regardless of the land of origin, and challenge the contradictions of U.S. immigration enforcement policy.  Amidst the sonic backdrop crafted by DJ Black Panther, Mexican born MC, Bocafloja, assists Truth in his commentary on the subject.
The video was shot in both Mexico City, Mexico and New Orleans, LA, as the two emcees were touring.
“Immigrant” can be viewed/downloaded here: 
The radio edited single–”Immigrant”–can be heard/downloaded here:
High Resolution photos for press may be found here:
Akoben Ologun
Truth Universal Public Relations(TUPR)
WEBSITE | EPKMYSPACEYOUTUBETWITTERFACEBOOKGuerrilla Business” &  “Self-Determination” available NOW!  

Alabama Bill Sacrifices Citizens' Safety, Perpetuates Bigotry (Courtesy of the SPL Center)



06/03/2011

Alabama Bill Sacrifices Citizens' Safety, Perpetuates Bigotry

Yesterday, the Alabama Legislature fell into the same costly trap as neighboring Georgia by following the ill-fated footsteps of Arizona and passing harsh anti-immigrant legislation. The bill, H.B. 56, will not only set back years of progress on civil rights in the state but will also add considerably to Alabama's existing budget crisis.
If Gov. Bentley signs H.B. 56 into law, Alabama, already struggling financially, will waste hundreds of thousands – if not millions – of taxpayer dollars to defend this racist law in court.
We joined a number of other civil rights organizations in a lawsuit challenging the Georgia lawbecause it is unconstitutional. The courts have already blocked the notorious Arizona law, which served as a model to Georgia and Alabama, and the courts also blocked a copycat law in Utah last month. These laws have been consistently declared illegal and unconstitutional by the courts.
This cost will threaten the safety and security of all Alabamians by diverting already limited resources away from law enforcement's primary responsibility – protecting and promoting public safety. It will also result in an increase in crime if undocumented immigrants who are crime victims are afraid to contact local police. 
But there's an even greater cost to consider. This ill-advised bill undermines our core American values of fairness and equality. By perpetuating the hate rhetoric that has become commonplace among many elected officials, this bill threatens the rights of citizens and non-citizens alike. H.B. 56 attacks workers trying to make a better life for their families, divides communities, and places Alabama, once again, on the wrong side of history.
The Southern Poverty Law Center will continue to fight against laws that create a climate of fear for immigrants. If the governor does not veto H. B. 56, the SPLC will challenge the law in court. Illegal and harmful bills like this will not go unchallenged.

Friday, April 1, 2011

Justice Department to investigate Seattle Police civil-rights practices (Courtesy of the Seattle Times)

Justice Department to investigate Seattle Police civil-rights practices

The U.S. Department of Justice has decided to investigate the Seattle Police Department to determine whether its officers have engaged in a pattern of unnecessary force, particularly against minorities.
Seattle Times staff reporter
Seattle Police Chief John Diaz said he welcomes the Department of Justice's announcement Thursday that it will investigate whether his officers have engaged in a pattern of unnecessary force and biased policing.
The department has fully cooperated with the inquiry so far, Diaz said, and will continue to do so.
"We have nothing to hide," he said. "We've been open and transparent with the Department of Justice, which makes for a good working relationship."
Diaz, attending a previously scheduled appearance with The Seattle Times editorial board, said he had received a call from the DOJ hours earlier alerting him to the decision. He said he had expected the investigation, which he likened to a "free audit from the Department of Justice."
The DOJ also confirmed Thursday it is conducting a separate criminal investigation into the August shooting death of First Nations woodcarver John T. Williams by a Seattle police officer. The officer, Ian Birk, resigned from the force after prosecutors said they could not build a case against him. (See accompanying story.)
Assistant U.S. Attorney General Thomas Perez, who oversees the DOJ's Civil Rights Division in Washington, D.C., announced the departmentwide "patterns and practices" investigation in a conference call with U.S. Attorney Jenny Durkan, whose office's civil division will oversee it.
Both Perez and Durkan stressed that the investigation is civil — not criminal — in nature. Its goal, Perez said, is to determine whether there are "systemic violations of the Constitution or federal law by officers of the SPD" and to correct them if they're found.
Should problems be found, the Justice Department will work with the department to fix them, Perez said.
Legal action
If it meets resistance, however, it could sue the department in federal court to force the changes.
The downtown King County Jail underwent a similar investigation in 2007 and was required by the DOJ to make significant changes in its care of inmates under threat of a lawsuit.
"Our goal with this investigation ... is simple: to ensure that the community has an effective, accountable police department that controls crimes, ensures respect for the Constitution and earns the trust of the public it is charged with protecting," Perez said.
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That trust has been shaken, Diaz acknowledged, by publicized incidents involving violent arrests or confrontations by Seattle officers. Several of those incidents were cited in a December letter calling for a federal investigation. The American Civil Liberties Union of Washington sent the letter, which was signed by 34 community groups.
The letter outlined several disturbing incidents, including one last year where an officer used a racial slur and threatened to beat a robbery suspect, and the shooting of Williams, which the department's Firearms Review Board found was unjustified.
Two other officers are under state criminal investigation for incidents involving use of force.
Other cities
The Justice Department has looked at similar issues involving state and local law-enforcement agencies in New York, New Orleans, Ohio, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, California and the District of Columbia.
It has been conducting a preliminary review of the department for several months — even before the December letter.
Durkan said no single incident triggered the inquiry, and neither she nor Perez would go into details about the circumstances or incidents that led to conclude that a full-blown investigation was warranted. Durkan promised a "comprehensive investigation regarding the use of force" or discriminatory policing by Seattle officers.
"We do not prejudge our investigations," Perez said. If violations are found to have occurred, "we will work with the city and police department to develop a plan to remedy them."
The investigation will involve reviews of the department's policies and practices, records and observation of officers in the field. The office will also reach out to community groups and set up a hotline for citizen comments and tips.
Perez and Durkan said the department, the city and the police officers' guild have been cooperative.
"That gives us some real optimism that we can complete the investigation phase in a productive way and get at the truth, wherever it leads us, and get at solutions," Perez said.
The ACLU praised the announcement.
"With its expertise and experience, the Department of Justice should be able to provide some useful recommendations for curtailing the troubling uses of force we've seen," said ACLU of Washington Executive Director Kathleen Taylor.
"We appreciate that city of Seattle and police leaders have taken a cooperative attitude toward the DOJ and expect something good to come from its involvement with Seattle."
Mayor Mike McGinn, through a spokesman, promised to "continue our practice of working openly with the Department of Justice on addressing the issues that they are investigating. They have our full cooperation."
Sgt. Rich O'Neill, president of the Seattle Police Officers' Guild, said he's confident the investigation will not turn up any systemic problems with force or biased policing in the SPD.
"In a way, I'm looking forward to this," O'Neill said. "There's no doubt in my mind they will not uncover any systemic problems.
"They may come up with suggestions in ways we could do better in both areas. Great," O'Neill said.
Durkan has been involved in use-of-force issues with the Police Department for nearly a decade, including a stint as the nonvoting civilian member of the Firearms Review Board.
She was a member of two task forces that have examined the department and its discipline issues and resulted in the creation of the civilian-run Office of Professional Accountability.
She said she will remain "actively engaged" in the investigation.
The request by the ACLU and community groups came after highly publicized incidents in which officers have resorted to force, often against people of color. In their request, the ACLU and other organizations asserted that some Seattle officers appear to "inflict injury out of anger" at suspects rather than to protect public safety.
"Distrust of the police by communities of color grows as a result, and it becomes harder for the Seattle Police Department to do its job of keeping all Seattle residents safe," said the letter, which was sent to Durkan and Perez.
In addition to the Williams shooting, the confrontations include an officer kicking and threatening to beat the "Mexican piss" out of a prone Latino man in April; the repeated kicking of an African-American teen during an arrest inside a convenience store in October; and the pummeling of an African-American man in a police lobby in June 2009, in which officers were cleared of wrongdoing.
Seattle Times staff reporters Jack Broom and Susan Gilmore contributed to this report.
Mike Carter: 206-464-3706 or mcarter@seattletimes.com.

Feds investigating officer's shooting of woodcarver (Courtesy of the Seattle Times)

Feds investigating officer's shooting of woodcarver

The Department of Justice Civil Rights Division is reviewing the August 2010 shooting death of First Nations woodcarver John T. Williams by Ian Birk, who was a Seattle police officer, to determine whether federal civil-rights laws were broken.
Seattle Times staff reporter
The U.S. Department of Justice is reviewing whether to file federal criminal charges in the August shooting death of First Nations woodcarver John T. Williams by a Seattle police officer.
The investigation will examine whether former Officer Ian Birk violated Williams' civil rights when he shot and killed him on a downtown city sidewalk. Williams failed to respond to repeated commands that he drop a pocket knife.
"The Department was previously monitoring the local investigation and now that their review is complete, we will conduct an independent review of the facts to determine if the evidence indicates a prosecutable violation of federal criminal civil-rights laws," said Xochitl Hinojosa, a spokeswoman for Assistant Attorney General Thomas Perez, in a prepared statement Thursday.
The investigation is separate from the civil investigation of the Seattle Police Department announced earlier Thursday. That federal investigation will look at the "patterns and practices" of the department with respect to use-of-force and discriminatory policing.
Birk, who had been a Seattle officer for two years at the time of the shooting, resigned in February after state prosecutors announced they did not have enough evidence to charge him with Williams' death. State law gives considerable deference to police officers who use deadly force, recognizing they often have to make split-second decisions.
His attorney, Ted Buck, said the Justice Department is wasting its time and resources looking to prosecute an officer who followed his training and shot because he feared for his life.
"They're going to find nothing, because they are looking for something that doesn't exist," Buck said.
King County Prosecutor Dan Satterberg announced in February that the state could not charge Birk because the law required prosecutors to show the officer acted with malice and without good faith.
Federal prosecutors would face a similar burden. They would have to show that Birk, acting under the authority granted him as a police officer, willfully and intentionally deprived Williams of a protected civil right.
Legal experts have said that language provides a difficult burden for prosecutors and it's rare that the government obtains a conviction. Assistant U.S. Attorney Bruce Miyake, a senior criminal prosecutor, sat through the county inquest into Williams' death.
Retired Saint Louis University professor Steven Puro, who has conducted research on the role of federal civil-rights prosecutions in local police accountability, has said those cases have proved hard to bring and even harder to win because it is difficult to prove an officer willfully intended to violate someone's rights.
It's particularly problematic in shooting cases, which often involve split-second decisions, he said.
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The U.S. Attorney's Office in Seattle lost the only such criminal prosecution brought in the Western District of Washington when, in 2008, a federal jury acquitted a former King County sheriff's deputy accused of kicking a woman during a 2005 arrest.
The Williams shooting outraged many in the community, and his family and their attorneys have demanded justice. Williams was a well-known public inebriate who had numerous nonviolent contacts with police before the shooting.
Tim Ford, the attorney for the Williams family, said Thursday he was encouraged by the Justice Department's decision.
"We would like to have this investigated as impartially as possible," he said. "The federal government would be the most logical candidate remaining. That sounds like a positive development."
Ford said he would continue to pursue his petition asking the King County Superior Court judges to convene a citizen grand jury to determine whether criminal charges should be brought against Birk.
Ford filed the petition March 16 after Satterberg said state law precluded him from charging Birk with a crime.
Mike Carter: 206-464-3706 or mcarter@seattletimes.com

Friday, March 11, 2011

The Year In Nativism, 2010 (Courtesy of the SPL Center)

Two major trends were evident last year in the hard-line anti-immigration movement. Most worryingly, a cadre of racial extremists began patrolling Arizona for undocumented border-crossers. Led by neo-Nazi J.T. Ready, they scour the deserts while armed with semi-automatic rifles and clad in fatigues, military-style helmets and Kevlar vests. Pictures of their exploits show terrified migrants forced to the ground by gun-toting captors.
At the same time, many nativist activists expanded their alliances with other far-right political movements, a trend that first began to take shape in 2009. In the past year, major nativist leaders have allied their organizations with antigovernment “Patriot” groups or fringe Tea Party factions. In some cases, they have created new far-right hybrid entities of their own.
Nativists received a burst of energy with the signing last April of Arizona’s S.B. 1070, a harsh anti-immigration ordinance that makes the failure of non-citizens to carry immigration documents a crime and obligates police to check immigration status when there is “reasonable suspicion” that someone is undocumented. Anti-immigrant groups were highly active in pushing for the law, which is currently held up in federal court. Legislators in several states are set to introduce copycats, which may further inflame anti-immigrant sentiment. Even so, the movement is no longer growing at the rapid pace of prior years.
J.T. Ready
Neo-Nazi J.T. Ready suits up for a patrol. As hard-line nativism has gone mainstream, the growth of anti-immigrant groups patrolling the border for crossing migrants has slowed.
According to the Southern Poverty Law Center’s (SPLC) latest count, the number of what the SPLC characterizes as“nativist extremist” groups — organizations that do not limit themselves to pushing for legislative change or more border patrols, but rather target suspected undocumented immigrants at work sites or when they cross the border — is up slightly, rising to 319 last year from 309 groups in 2009. Still, it is noteworthy that the movement’s rate of growth slowed considerably, with the three largest groups — theMinuteman Civil Defense Corps, the Minuteman Project, and the Federal Immigration Reform and Enforcement (FIRE) Coalition — staying about the same size as last year. In fact, without the activism surrounding S.B. 1070, the movement might well have shrunk in 2010.
The slowed growth of the movement is a big change. Between 2008 and 2009, the groups skyrocketed nearly 80%, rising to 309 from 173. A year earlier, the number of groups went up 20%, from 144 to 173. This slower growth is partly attributable to leadership battles that have drained the energy of some groups. It also reflects the relocation of some nativists into other sectors of the far right that have concerns beyond immigration.
Toil and Trouble
As neo-Nazis like one-time National Socialist Movement member J.T. Ready became more prominent on the nativist scene this past year, one of the major early nativist leaders exited the scene ignominiously. In June, allegations surfaced in court documents that Chris Simcox — arguably the highest profile individual in the movement, a man who co-founded of the Minuteman Project in 2005 and, later, founded the Minuteman Civil Defense Corps (MCDC) — had threatened to kill his wife and family in a 2009 domestic dispute. It turned out that a restraining order had been issuedagainst Simcox in April, when his third wife, Alena, filed for divorce. This was not the first time that Simcox had been accused of violent behavior by a spouse. His second wife told the Intelligence Report in 2005 that she filed for full custody of their teenage son because she feared Simcox had suffered a mental breakdown, was sometimes violent and seemed dangerous.
In early July, after a short period when Simcox disappeared from public view (prompting one bounty hunter working for his wife to issue a “Wanted” poster), he released an E-newsletter, “The Simcox Report,” that defended his actions. In it, Simcox accused his wife of having been involved in an adulterous relationship with Stacy O’Connell, a former member of MCDC with whom Simcox had feuded for years (O’Connell and Alena Simcox denied the allegations). The soap opera intensified when it emerged that O’Connell ran the bounty hunting service that put up the “Wanted” poster for Simcox.
Meanwhile, MCDC’s leadership spent 2010 in complete disarray. When Simcox announced in April 2009 that he would run for the Arizona Senate seat held by John McCain, MCDC was left in the hands of his long-time lieutenant, Carmen Mercer. Mercer shut the organization down in March 2010, after being accused by Arizona’s attorney general of involvement in a property scam.
In a March 22 E-mail to supporters announcing the shutdown, Mercer nevertheless encouraged former MCDC members to continue their work independently. “I predict Americans, on their own, will lock, load and do what the feckless cowards in Washington refuse to do — and frankly I hope Americans do take up arms to defend this great nation,” she wrote in her “urgent alert.”
This missive came after Mercer sent a hot-blooded E-mail out the week before urging supporters to bring their long arms to the border and to “forcefully engage” the “criminals” who try to cross without documentation.
Despite having claimed MCDC was no more, Mercer within a few months was again posting on MCDC’s website as though nothing had happened.
Long an Arizona entity, MCDC now lists Herndon, Va., as its headquarters address and sends those wishing to contact it by mail to the far-right advocacy group, Declaration Alliance, that is headed by conservative activist Alan Keyes. The alliance had long helped raise money for MCDC. But earlier this year, Mercer reported that MCDC was going broke after breaking off relations with the group. Apparently, they have now mended their rift.
The turmoil had little effect on the size of the group, which had 77 chapters in 30 states in 2010. That’s up by two chapters from last year.
Building Bridges
Certain nativist extremists are gaining political muscle by building bridges to other kinds of far-right groups, with many nativists morphing into Tea Party activists or redefining themselves more broadly as opposed to the federal government’s authority in general.
Nativist groups graph
This trend began in 2009, when nativist extremist groups first began to find common cause with the antigovernment Patriot movement, which includes militias and similar groups. That the two movements dovetail in many ways is not entirely surprising. Both cotton to Revolutionary War rhetoric and imagery, and the first major nativist extremist group, the Minuteman Project, branded itself intentionally with a name right out of the American Revolution.
The Federal Immigration Reform and Enforcement Coalition (FIRE), which is the largest nativist extremist group with 136 chapters in 35 states (up one chapter from 2009), took up the antigovernment flag in 2009 when it launched The Patriot Coalition. FIRE is best known for a website that allows individuals to inform on employers of undocumented workers and for aggressive protests aimed at the undocumented.
In August, the group went one step further down the Patriot road, co-sponsoring a national conference in Pennsylvania that brought together a motley crew of far-right activists, conspiracy-minded groups like the John Birch Society and an array of other opponents of the Obama Administration. Patriot hero Richard Mack, a former Arizona sheriff who believes that county sheriffs are the highest authority and can ignore demands from the federal government, spoke to the conference. The event’s core theme — “demand [states’] sovereignty from the tyranny of the Federal government”— sounded more like a paean to the Confederacy and “states’ rights” than a complaint about immigration.
FIRE National Director Jeff Lewis is active in several antigovernment groups, three of which he heads. Billing himself as “a direct descendant of the original American Revolutionaries,” Lewis is listed as a delegate on the website of We the People (WTP), a federal government-hating outfit led by prominent tax protester Bob Schulz; he also participated in WTP’s 2009 “Continental Congress” and is listed as a leader in the North Carolina chapter. (The congress issued documents warning that any infringement on the people’s liberty as laid out in the Constitution is “an act of WAR” that “the People and their Militias have the Right and Duty to repel.”)
Another example of a nativist-turned-patriot is Al Garza, who was vice president of MCDC until he quit the group in August 2009. Garza went on to form The Patriots Coalition, not to be confused with FIRE’s Patriot Coalition, another group that merges the ideas of the nativist movement with those of the Patriots. Its website is filled with images of Revolutionary War troops and the Constitution and laments, “God and country are being taken away each day.” Garza was helped in this effort by Joanne Daley, his local Tea Party coordinator, according to The Nation. Daley, who led protests against Obama’s health care plan in Arizona and ran a Cochise County chapter of Glenn Beck’s 9.12 Project, is on the group’s board.
Arguably the most obnoxious nativist extremist, Jeff Schwilk, became a full-time antigovernment activist in 2010. Schwilk, founder of the San Diego Minutemen, has subsumed his anti-immigrant activities into a larger cause and now concentrates more on his Southern California Patriot Coalition, or SoCal Patriots. Instead of harassing migrant camps and pro-immigrant activists, Schwilk now focuses on gun rights and antigovernment issues. “Our fight is all political now,” Schwilk told The Nation in October. “Our fight is in our cities, county and state, and federal governments.”
Sipping With the Tea Parties
The Tea Party movement, too, has become home to many nativist extremists. These groups saw their interests first align during the healthcare debate, as medical coverage for undocumented immigrants became a flashpoint issue. The lines between the movements have become increasingly blurred, with leaders making official appearances at each other’s events.
S.B. 1070, the Arizona law that requires police to ask for proof of legal residency from people they believe could be undocumented immigrants, helped to deepen this relationship. Tea Party activists gathered thousands of signatures in favor of the law and the Tea Party Nation, one of several Tea Party factions, co-sponsored a rally in support of the law in Phoenix on June 5.
Jim Gilchrist, who co-founded the Minuteman Project with Simcox in 2005 and now runs his own outfit of the same name, glommed on to the Tea Party movement in the last year. In late November, Gilchrist attended a “Minuteman Tea Party” event in Texas that his website claims had more than 2,000 attendees. Gilchrist hasn’t been to the border in quite some time, preferring to work the right-wing circuit and post anti-immigration material on his website. Reaching out to the right has helped Gilchrist’s Minuteman Project (MMP). It had 38 chapters in 2010, up from 35 the year before.
MMP Executive Director Stephen Eichler joined his colleague Gilchrist in the Tea Party movement. Eichler is now listed as the executive director (and “general trouble maker”) on TeaParty.org. That Tea Party faction is led by Dale Robertson, who gained some notoriety for displaying arguably racist signs during protests of Obama’s health care proposals. The anti-immigrant influence at TeaParty.org is clear. The site lists as part of its “non-negotiable core beliefs” that “Illegal Aliens Are Here illegally.” The group also has issued E-mail alerts that blame an “illegal alien putsch” and “invasion” for “the pestilence of National Socialism” that it claims is on the rise in America.
At the Extremes
This January, Shawna Forde, formerly of the Gilchrist’s Minuteman Project and then the leader of her own Minuteman American Defense (MAD) group, was scheduled to go on trial in Arizona for themurder of a Latino man and his 9-year-old daughter. Forde’s case is a reminder of how anti-immigrant fervor can explode into extreme violence. Pima County authorities allege that Forde and two accomplices, one of whom had ties to the neo-Nazi Aryan Nations, invaded their victims’ home in search of drugs and cash to fund MAD border activities.
That tragic and horrifying incident makes the appearance of neo-Nazi J.T. Ready and his immigrant-hunting pals all the more worrisome. Until recently a member of the National Socialist Movement (NSM), Ready and his U.S. Border Rangers, an armed group largely peopled by other NSM members, have detained a number of migrants. Last July, Ready called a press conference in Pinal County’s Vekol Valley, known as a drug trafficking and illegal immigration route, where he paraded his heavily armed group for the news cameras. “This is the Minuteman Project on steroids. We’ve got people with assault weapons. … We will use lawful, deadly force when appropriate,” Ready told a TV reporter.
One NSM member and avid patroller, Harry Hughes, posted to the Web plenty of photos of the migrants the group said it stopped. Hughes really doesn’t like Mexicans, citing approvingly on his blog an article that says: “Mexican illegal aliens are revolting. And they know it. It is their purpose to disrupt us, interfere with us and give us diseases that we haven’t had in this country for 100 years.” Hughes’ anger, by his own account, sometimes spills over into action. In July 2007, Hughes posted on a racist forum that he had shot a Mexican family’s dog. Hughes said the charges were later dropped and “the Mexicans [sic] home mysteriously burned down.” The NSM border outings are slated to continue.
Here is a state-by-state tally of the 319 groups that the SPLC lists as nativist extremist groups. In the case of the three major formations — the Minuteman Civil Defense Corps, the Minuteman Project and the Federation Immigration Reform and Enforcement Coalition — acronyms have been added to help identify their affiliated chapters.